President Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines 1966 to 1986.

Reference: http://asianhistory.about.com/od/profilesofasianleaders/p/fmarcosbio.htm

Ferdinand Marcos ruled the Philippines with an iron fist from 1966 to 1986.

Critics charged Marcos and his regime with crimes like corruption and nepotism. Marcos himself is said to have exaggerated his role in World War II. He also murdered a family political rival.

So, how did this man stay in power?

Marcos created an elaborate cult of personality. When that state-mandated adulation proved insufficient for him to maintain control, President Marcos declared martial law.

Early Life:

On September 11, 1917, Josefa Edralin gave birth to a son in the village of Sarrat, on the island of Luzon, the Philippines.  The boy was named Ferdinand Edralin Marcos.

Persistent rumors say that Ferdinand's biological father was a man named Ferdinand Chua, who served as his godfather. Officially, however, Josefa's husband, Mariano Marcos, was the child's father.

Young Ferdinand Marcos grew up in a privileged milieu. He excelled at school, and took an eager interest in martial skills such as boxing and shooting.

Education:

Marcos attended school in Manila. His godfather, Ferdinand Chua, may have helped to pay for his educational expenses.

During the 1930s, the young man studied law at the University of the Philippines, outside of Manila.

This legal training would come in handy when Marcos was arrested and tried for a 1935 political murder. In fact, he continued his studies while in prison, and even passed the bar exam with flying colors from his cell.

Meanwhile, Mariano Marcos ran for a seat on the National Assembly in 1935, but was defeated for a second time by Julio Nalundasan.

Marcos Assassinates Nalundasan:

On September 20, 1935, as he was celebrating his victory over Marcos, Nalundasan was shot dead at his home. Mariano's 18-year-old son Ferdinand had used his shooting skills to kill Nalundasan with a .22-caliber rifle.

The young law student was indicted for the killing, and convicted by a district court in November of 1939. He appealed to the Supreme Court of the Philippines in 1940. Representing himself, the young man managed to get his conviction overturned despite strong evidence of his guilt.

Mariano Marcos and (by now) Judge Chua likely used their political power to influence the outcome of the case.

World War II:

At the outbreak of World War II, Ferdinand Marcos was practicing law in Manila. He soon joined the Filipino Army, and fought against the Japanese invasion as a combat intelligence officer in the 21st Infantry Division.

Marcos saw action in the three-month-long Battle of Bataan, in which the Allied forces lost Luzon to the Japanese. He survived the Bataan Death March, a week-long ordeal that killed about 1/4 of Japan's American and Filipino POWs on Luzon.

Marcos escaped the prison camp and joined the resistance. He later claimed to have been a guerrilla leader, but that claim has been disputed.

Post-War Era:

Detractors say that Marcos spent the early post-war period filing false compensation claims for wartime damages with the United States government, such as a claim for almost $600,000 for 2,000 imaginary cattle of Mariano Marcos's.

In any case, Ferdinand Marcos certainly did serve as a special assistant to the first president of the newly-independent Republic of the Philippines, Manuel Roxas, in 1946-47.

Marcos served in the House of Representatives from 1949 to 1959 and the Senate from 1963 to 1965 as a member of Roxas's Liberal Party.

Rise to Power:

In 1965, Marcos hoped to secure the Liberal Party nomination for the presidency. The sitting president, Diosdado Macapagal (father of current president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo), had promised to step aside, but reneged and ran again.

Marcos resigned from the Liberal Party and joined the Nationalists.  He won the election, and was sworn in on December 30, 1965.

President Marcos promised economic development, improved infrastructure, and good government to the people of the Philippines. He also pledged help to South Vietnam and the US in the Vietnam War, sending more than 10,000 Filipino soldiers to fight.

Cult of Personality:

Ferdinand Marcos was the first president to be reelected to a second term in the Philippines. Whether his reelection was rigged is a subject of debate.

In any case, he consolidated his hold on power by developing a cult of personality, like those of Stalin, Mao, or Niyazov of Turkmenistan.

Marcos required every business and classroom in the country to display his official presidential portrait. He also posted giant billboards bearing propagandistic messages across the country.

A handsome man, Marcos had married the former beauty queen Imelda Romualdez in 1954. Her glamour added to his popularity.

Martial Law:

Within weeks of his reelection, Marcos faced violent public protests against his rule by students and other citizens. Students demanded educational reforms; they even commandeered a fire truck and crashed it into the Presidential Palace in 1970.

The Filipino Communist Party reemerged as a threat.  Meanwhile, a Muslim separatist movement in the south urged succession.

President Marcos responded to all of these threats by declaring martial law on September 21, 1972. He suspended habeas corpus, imposed a curfew and jailed opponents like Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino.

This period of martial law lasted until January 1981.

Marcos the Dictator:

Under martial law, Ferdinand Marcos took extraordinary powers for himself. He used the country's military as a weapon against his political enemies, displaying a typically ruthless approach to opposition.  Marcos also awarded a huge number of government posts to his and Imelda's relatives.

Imelda herself was a member of Parliament (1978-84); Governor of Manila (1976-86); and Minister of Human Settlements (1978-86).

Marcos called parliamentary elections on April 7, 1978. None of the members of jailed former Senator Benigno Aquino's LABAN party won their races.

Election monitors cited widespread vote-buying by Marcos loyalists.

Reference: http://www.philippine-history.org/martial-law-philippines.htm

The Philippines During Martial Law

Proclamation of Martial Law: On September 21, 1972, President Ferdinand E. Marcos placed the Philippines under Martial Law. The declaration issued under Proclamation 1081 suspended the civil rights and imposed military authority in the country. Marcos defended the declaration stressing the need for extra powers to quell the rising wave of violence allegedly caused by communists. The emergency rule was also intended to eradicate the roots of rebellion and promote a rapid trend for national development. The autocrat assured the country of the legality of Martial Law emphasizing the need for control over civil disobedience that displays lawlessness. Marcos explained citing the provisions from the Philippine Constitution that Martial Law is a strategic approach to legally defend the Constitution and protect the welfare of the Filipino people from the dangerous threats posed by Muslim rebel groups and Christian vigilantes that places national security at risk during the time. Marcos explained that martial law was not a military takeover but was then the only option to resolve the country’s dilemma on rebellion that stages national chaos threatening the peace and order of the country. The emergency rule, according to Marcos’s plan, was to lead the country into what he calls a “New Society”.

Marcos used several events to justify martial law. Threat to the country’s security was intensifying following the re-establishment of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) in 1968. Supporters of CPP’s military arm, the New People’s Army, also grew in numbers in Tarlac and other parts of the country. The alleged attempt to the life of then Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile gave Marcos a window to declare Martial Law. Marcos announced the emergency rule the day after the shooting incident. Marcos also declared insurgency in the south caused by the clash between Muslims and Christians, which Marcos considered as a threat to national security. The Muslims were defending their ancestral land against the control of Christians who migrated in the area. The minority group organized the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in Malaysia and pushed for the autonomy of Mindanao from the national government.

The move was initially supported by most Filipinos and was viewed by some critics as a change that solved the massive corruption in the country. Martial law ceased the clash between the executive and legislative branches of the government and a bureaucracy characterized by special interest. Marcos started to implement reforms on social and political values that hindered effective modernization. To match the accomplishments of its Asian neighbors, Marcos imposed the need for self-sacrifice for the attainment of national welfare. His reforms targeted his rivals within the elite depriving them of their power and patronage but did not affect their supporters (US Library of Congress, Martial Law and the Aftermath).

Thirty-thousand opposition figures including Senator Benigno Aquino, journalists, student and labor activists were detained at military compounds under the President’s command (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). The army and the Philippine Constabulary seized weapons and disbanded private armies controlled by prominent politicians and other influentialfigures (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). Marcos took control of the legislature and closed the Philippine Congress (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). Numerous media outfits were either closed down or operated under tight control (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). Marcos also allegedly funnelled millions of the country’s money by placing some of his trusted supporters in strategic economic positions to channel resources to him. Experts call this the “crony capitalism.”

The deterioration of the political and economic condition in the Philippines triggered the decline of support on Marcos’ plans. More and more Filipinos took arms to dislodge the regime. Urban poor communities in the country’s capital were organized by the Philippine Ecumenical Council for Community and were soon conducting protest masses and prayer rallies. These efforts including the exposure of numerous human rights violations pushed Marcos to hold an election in 1978 and 1981 in an aim to stabilize the country’s chaotic condition. Marcos, in both events, won the election; however, his extended term as President of the Republic of the Philippines elicited an extensive opposition against his regime. Social unrest reached its height after former Senator Benigno Aquino was murdered. The incident sent thousands of Filipinos to the streets calling for Marcos’ removal from post. Turning again to his electoral strategy, Marcos held a snap election in 1986 but what he hoped will satisfy the masses only increased their determination to end his rule that seated Corazon Aquino, widow of Benigno Aquino, as President of the Philippines ousting Marcos from Malacañang Palace and ending the twenty-one years of tyrant rule.

Philippine War on Drugs

Around 11 p.m. on July 25, Restituto Castro received an anonymous text message asking him to leave his house in northern Manila and go to the corner of the MacArthur Highway. Just hours earlier, the new Philippine President, 71-year-old Rodrigo Duterte, had given his first State of the Nation address, in which he vowed to destroy the country’s illegal drug trade by any means necessary. “We will not stop until the last drug lord … and the last pusher have surrendered or are put either behind bars or below the ground, if they so wish,” he said.

Castro, 46 and a father of four, was neither a drug lord nor a pusher. He never bought shabu—a local name for ­methamphetamine—for himself. Too poor to become a proper user—shabu starts at $31 a gram—he purchased the drug on behalf of his friends in exchange for a bump or two. “He always had a hard time saying no to his friends,” says his wife Merlyn. But even dabbling with meth didn’t sit well with his life as a family man and his work as a chauffeur for a nearby hotel, so Castro promised to stop cadging recreational hits before he became dependent. According to his cousin, Castro told them his next drug run would be his last.

So it was. A single bullet to the back of his head that night made Castro one of the first of the 3,000-plus Filipinos killed so far in Duterte’s brutal war on drugs. According to figures provided to TIME by the Philippine national police, 1,506 people had been killed in police operations as of Sept. 14, just over two months since Duterte took office. The rest were likely killed by vigilantes who may have been inspired by Duterte’s words—deaths the authorities say they are investigating. “We shouldn’t jump the gun and say that they’re automatically extrajudicial killings, such that extrajudicial means it has the badge of the government,” says Kris Ablan, assistant secretary at the Presidential Communications Office.

Nobody can claim to be surprised. The carnage is exactly what Duterte promised. “All of you who are into drugs, you sons of bitches, I will really kill you,” he said before his election. While he was ­President-elect, Duterte offered medals and cash rewards for citizens who shot dealers dead. “Do your duty, and if in the process you kill 1,000 persons because you were doing your duty, I will protect you,” he told police officers on July 1, the day after his inauguration. “If you know of any addicts, go ahead and kill them yourself as getting their parents to do it would be too painful,” he was quoted as saying to another crowd that day.

Executing people for nonviolent drug-related offenses, inside or outside the law, is common in this part of the world. According to a report by drug-policy NGO Harm Reduction International, the only countries other than Iran and Saudi Arabia known to have executed drug traffickers since 2010 are all in Asia: China, Malaysia, Vietnam, Singapore and Indonesia. Yet the wanton ferocity of Duterte’s war eclipses those of his regional neighbors. The U.S.—by far Manila’s most important ally—might wish that Duterte shift his focus to an encroaching China or the Philippine economy. But the new President—who made his reputation as a tough-on-crime mayor—seems unlikely to be swayed: “This fight against drugs will continue to the last day of my term.”

That day is six years away.

When Duterte made the eradication of crime the cornerstone of his campaign—pledging to kill “100,000 criminals”—he earned an emphatic victory, bagging 38% of the vote in a five-candidate race. “People really feel insecure and unsafe,” says Camilo Montesa of the Manila office of the Geneva-based Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, an NGO dedicated to conflict resolution. Law and order is just one of many chronic national ailments, including poverty, corruption and civil rights abuses. But Duterte’s singular focus on drugs has struck a chord—with reason. The U.S. State Department cites 2011 U.N. figures for methamphetamine use in the Philippines, the latest available, “as having the highest abuse rate in East Asia at 2.1% of the adult population ages 16 to 64.” Duterte once even vowed to kill his own children if he caught them using drugs.

That’s how he talks. On the campaign trail, Duterte joked that he “should have been first” in the 1989 rape of an Australian missionary in Davao, where he spent 22 years as mayor, and publicly branded his daughter as a “drama queen” after she revealed that she had been raped. The statements were seen as salty speech, not evidence of an ungoverned mind. His boast of the “1,700” suspected criminals killed by death squads when he was mayor—correcting, on live television, allegations that the number was 700—created no uproar. He compares the killings under him to police violence in the U.S.: “They’re shooting blacks there,” he said during a press briefing. “What’s the difference between America and the Philippines? Nothing.”

Duterte’s choicest insult—“son of a bitch”—has been deployed against the Pope (for clogging Manila traffic during a visit in January), the U.S. ambassador to the Philippines (whom he also derided as “gay”) and, most recently, President Obama, for wanting to broach the drug war with Duterte. Obama responded by canceling a planned meeting between the two leaders at the Sept. 6–8 summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in the Laotian capital of Vientiane.

Duterte quickly expressed “regret” at his “strong comments,” though he later insisted he had not directed the vulgar phrase specifically at Obama. But in a reflection of how critical Manila is to the U.S.’s geopolitical influence in Asia, Obama still met Duterte briefly before the summit dinner and later downplayed the Philippine leader’s coarse language. “I don’t take these kinds of things personally,” said Obama. “I think it’s just a habit, a way of speaking for him.”

As an American colony for nearly five decades until 1946, the Philippines has always had a complex relationship with the U.S. While 92% of Filipinos reported a favorable attitude toward the U.S. in a recent Pew poll, anti-Americanism surfaces from time to time. In the early 1990s, Manila shut down U.S. bases in the country, and it wasn’t until 2014, during the administration of Benigno Aquino III, Duterte’s predecessor, that the two governments signed the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, which rebooted the U.S. military presence. “Both need each other,” says Carl Thayer, an expert on Southeast Asia at the University of New South Wales. “The U.S. can’t stand up to China in the South China Sea if the Philippines is kicking one of the legs out from the stool that’s defending its sovereignty. And Duterte, likewise, can’t really stand up to China unless the U.S. is backing him.” But on Sept. 13, Duterte said the Philippines would forgo joint patrols with the U.S. in the South China Sea and called on his military—whom he urged to focus on terrorism and drugs—to buy hardware from China and Russia.

A week after Duterte took office, a poll conducted by Philippine research firm Pulse Asia showed that an astonishing 91% of Filipinos had a “high degree of trust” in him. Among them are people like Ray Antonio Nadiera, a 33-year-old maintenance worker in the country’s second largest city, Cebu, who says that by the time Duterte’s campaign is over, “all the addicts will be straightened out.” In Manila’s Pasig Line district, local resident Jaime Co says, “The people killed are the dirt of society. What Duterte’s doing, his war on illegal drugs, is right. It’s good.”

But some are appalled at the forces that have been unleashed. “We’re on a slippery slope toward tyranny,” says Philippine Senator Leila de Lima. “Whether it’s state-sanctioned or not, I would say at the very least all of these killings are state-inspired.” Her sentiment is echoed by the human-rights community. In June two U.N. representatives condemned Duterte’s “incitement to violence,” not only against drug dealers and criminals but also against journalists. Duterte’s response was, “F-ck you, U.N.” More recently, he called the U.N. “very stupid” for criticizing his war on drugs, threatened to pull his country out of the organization and declined a meeting with Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon at the Laos summit.

Duterte’s authoritarian leanings have become increasingly pronounced. In August he threatened to declare martial law if the judiciary obstructed the anti-drug campaign. In September—using a terrorist attack in Davao as justification—he declared a “state of lawlessness” in the country, which he then ratcheted up to a “state of national emergency,” a status that could give the military policing powers.

“This is going to damage democracy and the rule of law as we know it,” says a Philippines-based human-­rights campaigner, who requested anonymity out of safety concerns. “This notion that you can solve all your problems just by killing people will only have a detrimental effect in the long run.” Global advocacy groups like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have also denounced the slaughter and called on Duterte to change both his rhetoric and his policies. He’s unlikely to listen. “I don’t care about human rights, believe me,” Duterte has said. “There is no due process in my mouth.”

At 2 a.m. on a recent Saturday in Manila’s south, Jenny, a young woman, stands in a crowd of about 50 people surrounding her neighbor’s house. Gunshots were heard just over an hour ago, and the police have emerged to announce that the occupant, a man named John Paul, has been killed. “It’s like a death penalty is handed out without due process—Duterte gave free rein to the police,” she says. “They say if suspects fight back, they can kill them, but people are getting killed without a fight.”

The police say any killings by them have been in self-defense. And they applaud Duterte, who has promised to “die” for them as long as they do their “duty.” “This is the first time that the President or the administration are really focused on eradicating illegal drugs,” says a senior police official, who asked not to be identified. “The support of the President makes it very encouraging for the law enforcer.”

The poor in the barangays—as the smallest units of municipal organization in the Philippines are called—pay the highest price. In these impoverished communities, children play beside open sewers, families often share one room, and, for a few people, shabu is an escape—both psychologically and financially. “A lot of the people involved in the drug market have no other opportunity for income, so a lot of that money also goes to support families in communities,” says Clarke Jones, a researcher at the Australian National University who studies the Philippine prison system and the drug trade within it.

Rightly fearing for their lives, Filipinos are surrendering in droves. More than 700,000 people have turned themselves in to the authorities for drug-related offenses since Duterte took office, according to police data. Rehabilitation is an option for only a few thousand, owing to the scarcity of government-approved centers. Other than the grave, that leaves prison, which even by Philippine standards is a special kind of hell. On a recent visit to Manila’s Las Piñas City Jail, TIME estimated that about 50 men were sharing a 3-by-3-m cell—a nationally ubiquitous scenario thanks to nearly 16,000 arrests over the past 10 weeks. Many had been there for more than a month.

The President is unapologetic about his grim campaign and its fallout. “Rich or poor, I do not give a sh-t,” Duterte said at a recent press conference. “My order is to destroy.” —With reporting by KIMBERLY DELA CRUZ and RAMON ROYANDOYAN/MANILA •

Source: http://time.com/4495896/philippine-president-rodrigo-duterte/

Extrajudicial Killings in the Philippines

Reference:

http://www.rappler.com/nation/145025-duterte-extrajudicial-killings-criminals

http://time.com/4494614/philippines-duterte-davao-death-squads-extrajudicial-killings/


From Wikipedia:
An extrajudicial killing is the killing of a person by governmental authorities without the sanction of any judicial proceeding or legal process. Extrajudicial punishments are mostly seen by humanity to be unethical, since they bypass the due process of the legal jurisdiction in which they occur.^{[citation needed]} Extrajudicial killings often target leading political, trade union, dissident, religious, and social figures and are only those carried out by the state government or other state authorities like the armed forces or police, as extra-legal fulfillment of their prescribed role. This does not include cases where aforementioned authorities act under motives that serve their own interests and not the State's, such as to eliminate their complicity in crime or commissioning by an outside party.^[1]

Who is President Duterte?

Reference: http://cnnphilippines.com/presidentduterte/

Rodrigo "Rody" Roa Duterte (Tagalog: [ɾoˈdrigo dʊˈtɛrtɛ]; born March 28, 1945), also known as Digong,^[5] is a Filipino politician and jurist who is the 16th and current President of the Philippines, also the Chairman of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations for 2017.^[6][7][8] He is the first Mindanaoan to hold the office, and the fourth of Visayan descent.^[9]

Duterte studied political science at the Lyceum of the Philippines University, graduating in 1968, before obtaining a law degree from San Beda College of Law in 1972. He then worked as a lawyer and was a prosecutor for Davao City, a highly urbanized city on Mindanao island, before becoming vice mayor and subsequently, mayor of the city, in wake of the Philippine Revolution of 1986. Duterte was among the longest-serving mayors in the Philippines, serving seven terms and totaling more than 22 years in office.

Duterte's political success has been aided by his vocal support for the extrajudicial killing of drug users and criminals.^[10] Human rights groups have documented over 1,400 killings allegedly by vigilante groups occurring in Davao between 1998 and May 2016; the victims were mainly drug traffickers, petty criminals and delinquent street children.^[11] Duterte denied any involvement in the said vigilante groups.^[12] A January 2016 decision by the Office of the Ombudsman on the alleged death squad in Davao between 2005 and 2009 found "no evidence to support 'the killings attributed or attributable to the Davao Death Squad much less the involvement of Mayor Rodrigo Duterte".^{[citation needed]}

On May 9, 2016, Duterte won the Philippine presidential election, garnering 16,601,997 votes (39.01% of total votes cast, and 6.6 million votes ahead of closest rival Mar Roxas).^[13] His domestic policy has focused on combating illegal drug trade by initiating the Philippine Drug War. Following criticism from United Nations human rights experts that extrajudicial killings had increased since the election, he threatened to withdraw the Philippines from the UN and form a new organization with China and African nations.^[14] His administration has also vowed to pursue an "independent foreign policy" that would reject any meddling by foreign governments.^[15] On July 20, 2016, Pulse Asia released a poll conducted on July 2–8 which showed that 91% of Filipinos trust Duterte, making him the most trusted official in the Philippines since Pulse Asia started its trust surveys.^{[16] (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rodrigo_Duterte#Education)}